A New Day in the City of Brotherly Love

If you haven’t heard, the new district attorney of Philadelphia is a lifelong defense lawyer who used to sue the government for violating people’s civil rights. He even ran on a campaign against overcriminalization. It’s a pretty amazing thing.

Now the city’s top prosecutor has put his money where his mouth was during the campaign. Among other things, he’s announced new policies to reduce incarceration and bring balance to sentencing. And they’re pretty amazing, too.

I’ve summarized the new policies below, but you can read them yourself here. Prosecutors can make exceptions to them if they get approval, but their message is clear: your job is to do justice overall, not file the most cases, charge the most aggressively, win the most convictions, or pin the longest sentences on people.

  1. Stop charging pot use or possession, period.
  2. Don’t charge sex workers with prostitution anymore unless they have more than two prior convictions. Even then, refer them for special rehabilitative programs.
  3. Charge shoplifting as an infraction unless it’s over $500 or the person won’t stop. Even infractions can carry a sentence of up to 90 days in jail. But always seek restitution in full.
  4. Divert minor cases when appropriate. Consider pretrial programs that hold people accountable but also help them return to society by avoiding a conviction.
  5. Offer lower sentences in general. This doesn’t apply to violent crimes, sex crimes, and other serious crimes.
  6. State your reasons for a sentence on the record, including the financial cost of incarceration to the taxpayer.
  7. Relax parole or probation for some people so we can better focus on and supervise the ones who really pose a threat.

New California Criminal Laws: Part Deux

To conclude the series, here’s the fab five we promised last week.

Kids age 15 or younger must talk to a lawyer before the police interrogate them. This is Senate Bill 395. It amended the Welfare and Institutions Code to require that kids consult a lawyer before they waive their Miranda rights. They can do the consultation in person, by phone, or by video, but they can’t waive it even if they want to. If they don’t get one, a court may exclude their statements from evidence at trial (if it gets there). But it may not as well. And there are exceptions for emergencies. The law expires on January 1, 2025.

Kids whose juvenile cases are dismissed or diverted get their records sealed. This is Assembly Bill 529. It amended the Welfare and Institutions Code to seal records from a juvenile case automatically if the case is dismissed or the kid successfully completes a diversion program. It takes these cases and treats them the same as another recent law that applies when kids complete probation.

More kids get a crack at sealing their records. This is Senate Bill 312. It amended the Welfare and Institutions Code to give kids who weren’t even eligible before a chance. It applies if you were found to have committed an especially serious or violent offense when you were at least 14 years old. Now, a court may consider your petition to seal under limited circumstances. It doesn’t apply if you were required to register as a sex offender. And your records can still be looked at by the courts or district attorney if you get in trouble again. For more on sealing juvenile records, see here.

The state continues to implement Prop 57. Remember Prop 57? It required judges to decide whether a kid age 14 or older could be prosecuted in adult court, and it promised a shot at parole for nonviolent offenders who’ve served the bulk of their sentence. But it also aimed to expand the credits an inmate could earn through good conduct or specific rehabilitative programs. Now, the Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation is finalizing its regulations under Prop 57, and you can find more information about them here.

Your Uber, Lyft, or taxi driver can’t have a blood-alcohol level more than .04. This is Assembly Bill 2687, which passed in 2016. It amends the Vehicle Code to apply the lower limit for truckers and other commercial drivers. The law is effective July 1, 2018.

New California Criminal Laws in 2018

We’ve already touched on four of them: Recreational pot. A ban-the-box law for employers. An overhauled sex-offender registry beginning in 2021. New rules for picking juries in civil and criminal cases.

Here are five more this week, with five more to come next week.

Lawyers can advise clients on cannabis. This is Assembly Bill 1159. It amended the Evidence Code to protect attorney-client privilege and confidentiality for legal services rendered in compliance with state and local law. The lawyer must also advise the client on the current conflict under federal law. Lawyers are already advising the cannabis industry, of course. But generally speaking, there’s no attorney-client privilege for legal services that are sought to help someone commit a crime or fraud. It’s the famous crime-fraud exception to the privilege. This law makes clear that, notwithstanding federal law, there’s no crime-fraud exception here just because it’s pot. The law also amended the Civil Code to support commercial cannabis activity that complies with state and local law.

You can seal your arrest record automatically if you weren’t charged or convicted. This is Senate Bill 393. It amended the Penal Code to permit most people who’ve been arrested but not charged or convicted (or whose convictions were overturned on appeal) to seal their arrest record. You may even be entitled to it as a matter of right in many cases; otherwise, you have to show that sealing your record would serve the interests of justice. Before this law, you couldn’t seal an arrest unless you proved your innocence, which is often difficult or impossible even when people did nothing wrong. But the law doesn’t apply if you could still be charged with something, so you must wait until the statute of limitations has run.

You don’t need to plead guilty to get drug treatment for simple possession. This is Assembly Bill 208. It amended the Penal Code to change a type of drug-treatment program we wrote about two weeks ago. The program used to be called deferred entry of judgment; now it’s called pretrial diversion. Before, you had to plead guilty and complete a program that ran 18 months to three years. If you completed the program, your case was dismissed, but if you didn’t, you’d be sentenced on your guilty plea. Now, you can plead not guilty, and the program runs only 12 to 18 months. But you have to waive your right to a jury trial, so if you don’t complete the program, you’ll go before a judge for trial.

The military diversion program includes misdemeanor DUI. Speaking of pretrial diversion, this is Senate Bill 725. It amended the Penal Code to extend a military diversion program to misdemeanor DUIs. This program enables a court to postpone a misdemeanor prosecution and place the defendant in a treatment program in which he may earn a dismissal if he is or was a member of the U.S. military and may be suffering from significant trauma or mental health problems as a result of his service. It wasn’t clear if the program included DUIs; two cases had decided it differently. This law resolves that it does. But it doesn’t guarantee diversion, and it doesn’t stop the DMV from taking your license.

It’s okay to enter a crosswalk during the countdown signal as long as you reach the other side before it ends. This is Assembly Bill 390. Before, you could only enter a crosswalk on a “walk” sign or symbol, and it was a crime (well, an infraction) to do it during the countdown. Who knew? So what if there’s no countdown, but the “don’t walk” sign or symbol is flashing? You’re not supposed to enter the crosswalk.

 

Medical Board Metes Out Discipline Based on a Police Report

If you’re a doctor or other licensed healthcare professional in California, remember. Your board or agency can discipline you for alleged conduct in a police report even if you’re never charged with or convicted of anything.

Just this week, the California Court of Appeal ruled that the medical board could discipline a doctor based on a police report even though his criminal case was dismissed.

Here’s what happened. The doctor was arrested for possessing cocaine. As part of his plea deal, he successfully completed a drug treatment program, and the case was dismissed. But the medical board learned of the arrest and filed its own case against him. At the hearing, the doctor argued the board’s case was based entirely on the arrest report, which was a problem because the Penal Code said you can’t do that.

The case pitted two statutes against each other. On one hand, the Penal Code says that when you complete a program like the one this doctor did, your arrest record can’t be used “in any way” to deny you a professional license or certificate. But the Business and Professions Code says that, “notwithstanding any other provision of law,” an agency that oversees the healing arts can do just that. It can rely on an arrest report to discipline you even if you successfully completed such a program.

It wasn’t the first time this question had come up, but remarkably, it was an issue of first impression in the law, meaning it was the first time a court of appeal had to decide it.

The court, though, had no trouble deciding that the second statute was a straightforward exception to the first one. The clincher was that the Penal Code was amended this year to make that interpretation explicit. So the doctor lost.

In these cases, you should begin to defend your professional license and livelihood at the same time you begin to defend against a criminal case or investigation. Which is immediately. We can help you do both.

Two Tears

Two true stories, that is, of people on a sex-offender registry.

The first. Today, she’s a 34-year-old mother of two great kids. Back then, she was a teenager herself when she slept with a boy on the night of her 19th birthday party. The boy was mature enough to pursue her but, as it happened, he was 14. His mom reported her to the police the next day, and they called her in to talk. They told her if she were honest, she wouldn’t go to jail, but it’s funny how that works, because after they filed the case, she was told that she could serve 20 to 25 years if she went to trial and lost. Or she could plead guilty and serve minimal time, but she would have to register as a sex offender.

Today, she’s a good person and a mother of two great kids, but her conviction looks like child molestation on paper, and she must register as a sex offender for life. Recently, she worked to become a staff writer for a local newspaper, but then someone complained about it, and the paper let her go. No one bothered with the details. You should watch her video.

The second. He was a junior in college when he went to Miami for spring break. He met a girl there at an 18-and-over club, and they ended up hooking up. Seven months later, he got a call from law enforcement in Florida. As it happened, the girl had used a fake ID to get into the club. She was actually 15 at the time, and her mom filed a complaint when she found out. So they asked the young man to come to Miami to talk, and he agreed. He told them everything was consensual, and he assumed she was 18 or older since she was in the club. They took his statement, thanked him for his cooperation, and arrested him on the spot.

Five years later, he was homeless because he couldn’t find a job or housing given his lifetime sex-offender registration. Two years ago, almost ten years after his conviction, he failed to register his whereabouts and received three years in prison. You should read his story, too.

 

A Model Penal Code for the 21st Century

Charging decisions, which we wrote about last week, matter for many reasons. They drive plea bargains, and they affect sentencing. You file a felony, for example, so that the guy will plead to a misdemeanor without giving you much trouble. It happens all the time.

Bad charging decisions, though, don’t just cause wrongful convictions or unjust sentences.

They cause other consequences that continue to torment you after you’ve served your sentence. Your actual sentence may include your jail or prison time, the fines you must pay, or the terms of probation you must follow. You did the crime so you should do the time and pay the fine, right? Okay, but then even after you do, you still may not be able to cast a vote, land a job, rent a home, hold a license, or get a loan. These are the so-called collateral consequences of a conviction.

But the future may be brighter.

Last week, the American Law Institute approved major changes to the Model Penal Code to address these consequences. The ALI is the leading scholarly body that aims to clarify, modernize, and otherwise improve American law. The Model Penal Code is its seminal work in the area of criminal law. It doesn’t have the force of law by itself, but it’s influential. Most states have used it in passing their own laws, and courts cite to it often.

The new provisions would require you to prove, by clear and convincing evidence, that a collateral consequence of your conviction imposes a heavy burden on your ability to rejoin society and that public safety doesn’t need you to suffer it.

If you do that then a court could relieve you from that burden. A court could even issue a certificate of rehabilitation that shields employers, landlords, or others who give you a second chance from civil liability.

Already, state legislatures have been proposing and passing laws to give people a fair shake to prove themselves before dismissing them based on the past.

Hopefully, that momentum keeps building. We should consider what it means to have a record, anyway, when most people either have one, know someone close to them who does, or would have one but for the grace of God. And we should consider how we judge people altogether in a world in which our every action can leave a permanent trace.

The twenty-first century may demand it.

The New DOJ Policy on Charging Decisions

Two weeks ago, the new U.S. Attorney General announced a new policy for charging and sentencing in criminal cases. Although the policy targets drug cases in particular, it applies to all federal prosecutions.

You can break it down into three parts.

First, prosecutors should file the “most serious, readily-provable” charges in each case. The most serious charges are those that carry the stiffest sentence, including any mandatory-minimum sentence. To deviate from this policy, prosecutors must get approval from a supervisor, document their reasons for it, and be able to point to “unusual facts.”

Second, in most cases, prosecutors should seek a standard sentence under federal sentencing guidelines. If they want to deviate from the guideline sentence, they must get supervisory approval and document their reasons in the file.

Third, prosecutors should discard inconsistent policies of the prior administration. Under prior policy, prosecutors still charged the most serious offense that was consistent with a defendant’s conduct and likely to yield a solid conviction. But they were also encouraged to evaluate cases individually to decide which charges to file, and they were told to seek sentences that were fair and proportional under all the circumstances.

In particular, prosecutors now must ignore two prior policies that tried to reduce harsh sentences in low-level, nonviolent drug cases. Under one policy, they were not to charge a specific drug quantity if it triggered a mandatory-minimum sentence, and they were to avoid charging prior drug convictions that doubled the minimum sentence or put someone in prison for life. We wrote about this before here. Under the other policy, they could not threaten to charge such priors just to force you to plead guilty. I guess that’s fair game now.

The new policy has sparked criticism across the spectrum. Lawmakers from both parties have railed against it. One former U.S. Attorney decried its “stunning lack of faith” in line prosecutors. A coalition of state and local prosecutors has published an open letter against it. And the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers had this reaction:

“This Attorney General has taken away the discretion of professional prosecutors to determine what sentence serves justice in any given case. Instead, prosecutors are now required in every case mindlessly to seek the maximum possible penalty…. This policy will lock up non-violent offenders with little or no criminal history, waste untold millions of dollars, devastate families and whole communities, and yet not make us any safer.”

New California Criminal Laws in 2017

Let’s get right to it.

We already covered three of them in prior posts. One was Proposition 64, which legalized recreational marijuana. Another was Proposition 57, which expanded parole eligibility for nonviolent felons and cut back on prosecuting kids as adults. A third was Assembly Bill 1909, which made it a felony for prosecutors to commit Brady violations in bad faith.

Here are five more.

Ransomware is a form of extortion. This is Senate Bill 1137. It amended the Penal Code to punish anyone who introduces ransomware into a computer system or network. It doesn’t matter whether you actually got the ransom or not; it’s a felony punishable by two, three, or four years in the county jail. See Pen. Code § 523.

New business search warrants, less drama. This is Senate Bill 1087. It amended the Evidence Code to make it easier for innocent businesses to comply with search warrants for their records. Now, if a business is not a subject of the underlying investigation, it may be able to produce its records by mail or in some other arms-length way. That’s a lot better than having agents show up to go through your stuff. See Evid. Code § 1560(f).

New motion to vacate a conviction or sentence based on immigration consequences or fresh evidence of innocence. This is Assembly Bill 813. It allows you to ask a court to throw out your case in two situations even though you’ve served out your sentence. The first is if you pleaded guilty because of a legal mistake that undermined your ability to understand the immigration consequences of your plea. The second is if you can present fresh evidence that you were innocent. See Pen. Code § 1473.7.

No more possibility of probation for sex offenses where the victim was unconscious or too intoxicated to consent. This is Assembly Bill 2888. It eliminated probation as a possible sentence for rape, sodomy, oral copulation, or sexual penetration with a foreign object if the victim was unconscious or too intoxicated to consent. It extended a rule that already applied to other, serious sex offenses. See Pen. Code § 1203.065.

No more statute of limitations for felony sex and child-molestation cases. This is Senate Bill 813. It eliminated the statute of limitations for a litany of sex crimes, which now may be prosecuted at any time. Previously, they had to be prosecuted within ten years, or if the alleged victim was under 18, before he or she turned 40. See Pen. Code § 799.

When It Rains, It Pours

Here’s another case that blurs the line between civil and criminal laws.

It started as a civil dispute between a homeowner and contractor. The homeowner hired the contractor to paint her house and install ten windows. Six months later, he had painted her house and installed eight-and-a-half windows, but no one was happy. He wanted $8,000 more to finish the work, but she’d already paid him $61,000 and refused to pay more.

The contractor sued for the $8,000 balance, but he had a problem: apparently, he didn’t actually have a contractor’s license. Or he couldn’t produce a valid one, anyway.

He may not have realized that, in California, an unlicensed contractor can’t sue for a breach of contract no matter how good a job he may have done. Not only that but he can be sued for every penny that he was paid even if he did great work. Which is what happened here. The homeowner lawyered up and countersued for the $61,000 that she had paid him.

Then his luck got worse.

Because he couldn’t produce a contractor’s license, he was charged criminally with six misdemeanor counts of contracting without a license. Yes, it’s a crime, too. He pleaded no contest to one count, and the other six were dismissed. He was put on probation and ordered to pay restitution as part of it.

At the restitution hearing, the government demanded that he pay back the entire $61,000 that the homeowner had paid him plus her attorneys’ fees. He testified that he did the work right and that she owed him $8,000. She testified that he didn’t do it right because some of the paint had faded, chipped, bubbled, and peeled in the three years since. He argued that any damage was due to natural weathering because the house was so close to the ocean, and he called an expert who testified to that.

The trial court sided with the contractor, but on appeal, he was ordered to pay back everything, including her attorneys’ fees.

Why?  The law was clear that he didn’t have a right to the money no matter how well he performed, so legally, she never should’ve had to pay for his work in the first place.

Wasn’t this a criminal case, not a civil one? Yes, but the civil rule applied to criminal restitution.

Wasn’t this an unfair windfall for the homeowner? Perhaps.

But that’s the way the cookie crumbled.

Update: On August 22, 2017, a higher appeals court reversed this decision. It held that the civil rule doesn’t apply to criminal restitution, which is limited to a victim’s actual economic loss. And with that, all is right in the world again.

An Unfunded Mandate from Above

In Gideon, the United States Supreme Court observed that “lawyers in criminal courts are necessities, not luxuries.”

But fifty years later, we continue to fall short of the full promise of the Sixth Amendment, and the struggle is real.

National standards recommend that public defenders handle no more than 150 felony cases, 400 misdemeanor cases, or 200 juvenile cases per year. As a lawyer, I can tell you those are a lot of cases, but I don’t need to. We all know there are only 365 days in a year.

The reality is that very few defender’s offices have enough lawyers to meet those standards. By some measures, only 27 percent of county-based offices and 21 percent of state-based offices do. What’s worse, only seven percent of county-based offices have enough investigators to meet those standards, and many don’t employ a single full-time investigator.

The consequences are that more people sit in jail for longer after an arrest (which costs money); more people plead guilty to get out of jail, taking bad deals or copping to things they didn’t do; the system as a whole makes more mistakes, including wrongful convictions; and people receive harsher, excessive sentences.

Gideon may have been an unfunded mandate, but it’s as fundamental as the heavens, and it was mandated by the Sixth Amendment. Who would we be without it?

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